Monday, September 30, 2019

Fifty Shades of Normal

Fifty Shades of Normal Since its publication in 1996, Robe Harrier's book It's Perfectly Normal has appeared on the American Library Association list of challenged books. It's Perfectly Normal was the LA'S #1 Most Challenged Book of 2005. The book is intended for ages 10 and up, and it explains the various physical and psychological changes that occur during puberty including information about sex and sexual health. The books text is paired with cartoonist illustrations by Michael Embezzler.Many religious institutions are posed to the information and the viewpoints discussed within because masturbation, abortion, homosexuality and other alternative sexual lifestyles are described as being â€Å"perfectly normal. † It's Perfectly Normal has been criticized for mocking religious beliefs by stating â€Å"some religions call masturbation a sin. But masturbating cannot hurt you† (48), and Harris then goes on to provide images of a young boy and young girl masturbating comple te with an explanation how to masturbate.In June 1996, John Chamberlain, a member of the Provo (Utah) Library aid It's Perfectly Normal â€Å"should be banned from the children's section because it's graphic illustrations of male and female anatomy, including sex organs, and its discussions of intercourse, masturbation, and homosexuality† (Forester 205). The Catholic Church believes that â€Å"masturbation is an intrinsically and seriously disordered act† (Vatican) and â€Å"any sexual act outside of marriage not intended for procreation is considered inappropriate† (Vatican).Harris explains that â€Å"sexual intercourse-having sex-can involve the penis and the vagina, or the mouth and the initials, or the penis and the anus† (15). While the book is factually correct, many challenges are based on whether this information is appropriate for children. In 2001, the book was restricted to elementary school pupils with parental permission in Anchorage, Alaska due to objections to the book's â€Å"value statements† and because â€Å"marriage is mentioned once in the whole book, while homosexual relationships are allocated an entire section† (ala. Org). Furthermore, the book was also challenged, but retained in 2002 after a conservative Christian group, the Republican Leadership Council, characterized the book as â€Å"vulgar† and trying â€Å"to minimize or even negate that homosexuality is a problem† (ala. Org). The book has been endorsed by Planned Parenthood, the largest abortion chain in the USA, but in contrast, nowhere does the book describe the virtue of chastity or abstinence (American Life League). Critics say the book promotes abortion by listing nine reasons to have an abortion (Dudgeon).The book's description of the abortion process is very clinical, and it avoids any discussion about whether abortion is morally right or the various social views surrounding the epic. It's Perfectly Normal was challe nged but retained in the children's section of the Mexico-Durian County, Mo. Library in 1997 when a Baptist minister complained not only about this title, but also about other â€Å"material concerning family sensitive issues, such as sexuality, the death of a loved one, or the birth process† (ala. Org). As per a BBC report, â€Å"all the religions have taken strong positions on abortion; they believe that the issue encompasses profound issues of life and death, right and wrong, human relationships and the nature of society, that make it a major religious once† (BBC. Co. UK). Harris wrote the book with the intent to provide facts that â€Å"were accurate and up-to-date and that the text was age-appropriate† (arbitrators. Com).She later commented that â€Å"l knew that illustrator Michael Embezzler and I had created a book that provided kids and teens with honest and accurate information, which they have a right to and need in order to stay healthy as they enter and go through puberty and adolescence† (Crispin). Harris succeeded in this regard, and accordingly, the book has been highly recognized and honored by the ALA, Booklets, Child Magazine, The New York Times, Planned Parenthood, and Publishers' Weekly (Floorboards).While some religious groups assert that the book â€Å"goes too far and even boarders on child pornography† (American Life League), â€Å"removal of a book for political, social, or moral reasons is legally prohibited† (Forester 205). The American Library Association's Library Bill of Rights states that â€Å"librarians and governing bodies should maintain that parents-?and only parents-?have the right and the responsibility to restrict the access of their children-?and only their children-?to Barry resources† (Floorboards).

Sunday, September 29, 2019

Cause and Effects of the Great Depression

The Causes and Effects of The Great Depression In America Few Americans in the first months of 1929 saw any reason to question the strength and stability of the nation's economy. Most agreed with their new president that the booming prosperity of the years just past would not only continue but increase, and that dramatic social progress would follow in its wake. â€Å"We in America today,† Herbert Hoover had proclaimed in August 1928, â€Å"are nearer to the final triumph over poverty than ever before in the history of any land. The poorhouse is vanishing from among us. â€Å"1 In mid-October, 1929, the average middle-class American saw ahead of him an illimitable vista of prosperity. The newly inaugurated president, Herbert Hoover, had announced soberly in the previous year that the conquest of poverty was no longer a mirage: â€Å"We have not yet reached our goal, but given a chance to go forward with the policies of the last eight years, and we shall soon with the help of God be within sight of the day when poverty will be banished from the nation. † This was the economic promise interwoven with what a popular historian would call the American Dream. More complacently, Irving Fisher and other economists in the confidence of Wall Street assured the citizen that he was dwelling upon â€Å"a permanently high plateau† of prosperity. 2 Only fifteen months later, those words would return to haunt him, as the nation plunged into the severest and most prolonged economic depression in its history. It began with a stock market crash in October 1929; it slowly but steadily deepened over the next three years until the nation's economy (and, many believed, its social and political systems) approached a total collapse. It continued in one form or another for a full decade, not only in the United States but throughout much of the rest of the world, until war finally restored American prosperity. 3 In the autumn of 1929, the market began to fall apart. On October 21, stock prices dipped sharply, alarming those who had become accustomed to an uninterrupted upward progression. Two days later, after a brief recovery, an even more alarming decline began. J. P. Morgan and Company and other big bankers managed to stave off disaster for a while by conspicuously buying up stocks to restore public confidence. But on October 29, all the efforts to save the market failed. â€Å"Black Tuesday,† as it became known, saw a devastating panic. Sixteen million shares of stock were traded; the industrial index dropped 43 points; stocks in many companies became virtually worthless. In the weeks that followed, the market continued to decline, with losses in October totaling $16 billion. Despite occasional hopeful signs of a turnaround, the market remained deeply depressed for more than four years and did not fully recover for more than a decade. 4 The sudden financial collapse in 1929 came as an especially severe shock because it followed so closely a period in which the New Era seemed to be performing another series of economic miracles. In particular, the nation was experiencing in 1929 a spectacular boom in the stock market. 5 In February 1928, stock prices began a steady ascent that continued, with only a few temporary lapses, for a year and a half. By the autumn of that year, the market had become a national obsession, attracting the attention not only of the wealthy, but of millions of people of modest means. Many brokerage firms gave added encouragement to the speculative mania by offering absurdly easy credit to purchasers of stocks. It was not hard to understand why so many Americans flocked to invest in the market. Stocks seemed to provide a certain avenue to quick and easy wealth. Between May 1928 and September 1929, the average price of stocks rose more than 40 percent. The stocks of the major industrials, the stocks that are used to determine the Dow Jones Industrial Average, doubled in value in that same period. Trading mushroomed from two or three million shares a day to more than five million, and at times to as many as ten or twelve million. There was, in short, a widespread speculative fever that grew steadily more intense. A few economists warned that the boom could not continue, that the prices of stocks had ceased to bear any relation to the earning power of the corporations that were issuing them. But most Americans refused to listen. 6 The depression of the stock market impressed the general public with the idea that it would depress general business. Because of a psychological consequence, it did, but it should not have. There are 120,000,000 persons in the country and at the maximum not more than 10,000,000 were involved in stock market transactions. The remaining 110,000,000 persons suffered no loss. The bulk of the population may not have suffered the loss of stock investments, but there were plenty of other ways to calculate loss, and by the end of 1929, with unemployment rising, with shops and factories ornamented by closed or out of business signs, and, perhaps most terrifying of all, the closing of the nations banks, taking with them millions of dollars in deposits. More than 9,000 American banks either went bankrupt or closed their doors to avoid bankruptcy between 1930 and 1933. Depositors lost more than $2. 5 billion in deposits. 8 Two-hundred and fifty six banks failed in the single month of November 1930, and further yet on December 11, when the United States Bank, with deposits of more than $200 million, went under. It was the largest single bank failure in America history up to that tim e, and contributed no little portion to an economic hangover in which, in the words of banker J. M. Barker, â€Å"cupidity turned into unreasoning, emotional, universal fear†. 9 The misery of the Great Depression was, then, without precedent in the nation's history. 10 The most searing legacy of the depression was unemployment, which mounted steadily from the relatively low levels experienced between 1922 and 1929. The percentage of the civilian labor force without work rose from 3. 2 in 1929 to 8. 7 in 1930, and reached a peak of 24. 9 in 1933. The estimates of unemployment amongst non-farm employees, which include the self-employed and unpaid family workers are even higher. These are horrifying figures: millions of American families were left without a bread-winner and faced the very real possibility of destitution. 11 Within a few months after the stock market collapse of October 1929, unemployment had catapulted from its status of a vague worry into the position of one of the country's foremost preoccupations. Unemployment increased steadily, with only a few temporary setbacks, from the fall of 1929 to the spring of 1933. Even a cursory reference to the several existing estimates of unemployment will amply show the rapidity with which unemployment established itself as an economic factor of the first order of importance. 12 By 1932, a quarter of the civilian labor force was unemployed and the number was still rising. State and local relief agencies lacked sufficient funds to meet the demands of families for bare sustenance. Discouraged by continual turn-downs, the unemployed had stopped looking for jobs. On good days in the great cities the jobless sat on park benches reading discarded newspapers, and many who had lost their homes slept in the parks. While some families managed to stay in their homes and apartments, even though they failed to pay the rent or mortgage interest, others were evicted. To keep some semblance of a home, families built shelters from discarded crates and boxes on vacant land or in the larger parks. Municipal authorities, unable to provide adequate help, were forced to adopt a tolerant attitude against these squatters. As time passed the structures became more elaborate and habitable, but older children were inclined to wander away and look for opportunities elsewhere. 13 Fifty years after his presidency and twenty after his death, Herbert Clark Hoover remains the person most Americans held responsible for the economic calamity that struck after 1929. Few of our political leaders have been more ridiculed and vilified during their tenure in office. By 1931, new words and usage based on his name had entered the country's cultural vocabulary: Hooverville†: a temporary bivouac of homeless, unemployed citizens. â€Å"Hoover blankets†: the newspapers used by people to keep warm at night while sleeping in parks and doorways. â€Å"Hoover Flags†: empty pants pockets, turned inside out as a sign of poverty. â€Å"Hoover wagons†: any motor vehicle being pulled by a horse or mule In the heat of the 1932 election, hitchhikers displayed signs reading â€Å"If you don't give me a ride , I'll vote for Hoover. â€Å"14 From the New York Times, October 22, 1932 Fifty-four men were arrested yesterday morning for sleeping or idling in the arcade connecting with the subway 45 West Forty-second Street, but most of them considered their unexpected meeting with a raiding party of ten policemen as a stroke of luck because it brought them free meals yesterday and shelter last night from the sudden change in the weather. From the New York Times, September 20, 1931 Several hundred homeless unemployed women sleep nightly in Chicago's parks, Mrs. Elizabeth A. Conkey, Commissioner of Public Welfare, reported today. She learned of the situation, she said, when women of good character appealed for shelter and protection, having nowhere to sleep but in the parks, where they feared they would be molested. â€Å"We are informed that no fewer than 200 women are sleeping in Grant and Lincoln Parks, on the lake front, to say nothing of those in the other parks,† said Mrs. Conkey. â€Å"I made a personal investigation, driving park to park, at night, and verified the reports. † The commission said the approach of winter made the problem more serious, with only one free woman's lodging house existing, accommodating 100. These are just two of the many stories that came of the poverty of the depression. 15 Not quite three and a half years had passed since the stock market crash, had plunged the United States, and most of the world, into the worst economic debacle in Western memory. Industrial output was now less than half the 1929 figure. The number of unemployed, although difficult to count accurately, had mounted to something between 13 and 15 million, or a recorded high of 25 per cent of the labor force-and the unemployed had 30 million mouths to feed besides their own. Hourly wages had dropped 60 per cent since 1929, white-collar salaries 40 per cent. Farmers were getting less than 50 cents a bushel for wheat. The stark statistics gave no real picture of the situation-of the pitiful men selling apples on city street corners; of the long lines of haggard men and women who waited for dry bread or thin soup, meager sustenance dispensed by private and municipal charities; of the bloated bellies of starving children; of distraught farmers blocking the roads to dump milk cans in a desperate effort to drive up the price of milk. â€Å"They say blockading the highways illegal,† said an Iowa farmer. â€Å"I says, ‘Seems to me there was a Tea Party in Boston that was illegal too. 16 The suffering extended into every area of society. In the industrial Northeast and Midwest, cities were becoming virtually paralyzed by unemployment. Cleveland, Ohio, for example, had an unemployment rate of 50 percent in 1932; Akron, 60 percent; Toledo, 80 percent. To the men and women suddenly without incomes, the situation was frightening and be wildering. Most had grown up believing that every individual was responsible for his or her own fate, that unemployment and poverty were signs of personal failure; and even in the face of national distress, many continued to believe it. Unemployed workers walked through the streets day after day looking for jobs that did not exist. When finally they gave up, they often just sat at home, hiding their shame. 17 An increasing number of families were turning in humiliation to local public relief systems, just to be able to eat. But that system, which had in the 1920s served only a small number of indigents, was totally unequipped to handle the new demands being placed on it. In many cities, therefore, relief simply collapsed. New York, which offered among the highest relief benefits in the nation, was able to provide families an average of only $2. 9 per week. Private charities attempted to supplement the public relief efforts, but the problem was far beyond their capabilities as well. As a result, American cities were experiencing scenes that a few years earlier would have seemed almost inconceivable. Bread lines stretched for blocks outside Red Cross and Salvation Army kitchens. 18 Thousands of people sifted through g arbage cans for scraps of food or waited outside restaurant kitchens in hopes of receiving plate scrapings. Nearly 2 million young men simply took to the roads, riding freight trains from city to city, living as nomads. The economic hardships of the Depression years placed great strains on American families, particularly on the families of middle-class people who had become accustomed in the 1920s to a steadily rising standard of living and now found themselves plunged suddenly into uncertainty. It was not only unemployment that shook the confidence of middle-class families, although that was of course the worst blow. It was also the reduction of incomes among those who remained employed. Economic circumstances forced many families, therefore, to retreat from the consumer patterns they had developed in the 1920s. Women often returned to sewing clothes for themselves and their families and to preserving their own food, rather than buying such products in stores. Others engaged in home businesses taking in laundry, selling baked goods, accepting boarders. Many households expanded to include more distant relatives. Parents often moved in with their children and grandparents with their grandchildren, or vice versa. 19 The public did not understand the causes or solutions of unemployment, but people could judge polices by results. They had little tolerance for anyone who said current polices were working when, in fact, more jobs were being lost. One indication of how desperate the situation was came in June when Chicago mayor told one House Committee that it still had a choice: it could send relief, or it could send troops. 20 With local efforts rapidly collapsing, state governments began to feel new pressures to expand their own assistance to the unemployed. Most resisted the pressure. Tax revenues were declining along with everything else, and state leaders balked at placing additional strains on already tight budgets. Many public figures, moreover, feared that any permanent welfare system would undermine the moral fiber of its clients. 21 People never enjoy paying taxes. With the lower incomes of the depression came widespread demand for retrenchment and lower local taxes. Indeed, many local citizens and property owners were quite unable to pay their taxes at all. Since a large part of the revenues of local government is spent for public education, it was perhaps inevitable that the tax crisis should produce cutbacks in schools. Many communities decreased their school spending severely. In effect, they passed the burden on to the teachers, the students, or both. No one will ever be able to calculate the cost to American civilization that resulted from inadequate education of the nation's children during the Great Depression. The colleges' problems were somewhat different. Although the budgets of almost all colleges, public and private, were not what they should have been, a greater problem was that of students who were destitute. Rare was the college that did not have several cases of severe student poverty. Thousands of students in the 1930's made important sacrifices to stay in college. Because the students of the depression constituted, on the whole, a hungry campus generation they gave college life a new and earnest tone. The goldfish gulpers may have got the big headlines in the late 1930's, but they were not typical depression undergraduates. 22 During the first two years of the depression the schools did business about as usual. By September, 1931, the strain was beginning to tell. Salary cuts were appearing even in large towns, and the number of pupils per teacher had definitely increased. Building programs had been postponed. In a few communities school terms had been considerable shortened, and in others some of the departments and services were being lopped off. But, on the whole, the school world wagged on pretty much as usual. During the 1932-33 term the deflation gathered momentum so rapidly that many communities had to close their schools. By the end of last March nearly a third of a million children were out of school for that reason. But the number of children affected, shocking as it is, does not tell the story so vividly as does the distribution of the of the schools. Georgia had 1,318 closed schools with an enrollment of 170,790, and in Alabama 81 percent of all the children enrolled in white rural schools were on an enforced vacation. In Arkansas, to site the case of another sorely pressed state, over 300 schools were open for sixty days or less during the entire year. By the last of February more than 8,000 school children were running loose in a sparsely settled New Mexico. And over a thousand west Virginia schools had quietly given up the struggle. 23 The downswing which began in 1929 lasted for 43 months. The ‘Great Depression' has the dubious distinction of being the second longest economic contraction since the Civil War, second only to that which began in 1873 and continued for 65 months. The length of a depression, however, can only give a limited indication of its impact; the amplitude and national ramifications of 1929-33 give those years a special importance. 24 Economists, historians, and others have argued for decades about the causes of the Great Depression. But most agree on several things. They agree, first, that what is remarkable about the crisis is not that it occurred; periodic recessions are a normal feature of capitalist economies. What is remarkable is that it was so severe and that it lasted so long. The important question, therefore, is not so much why was there a depression, but why was it such a bad one. 25 America had experienced economic crises before. The Panic of 1893 had ushered in a prolonged era of economic stagnation, and there had been more recent recessions, in 1907 and in 1920. The Great Depression of the 1930s, however, affected the nation more profoundly than any economic crisis that ad come before not only because it lasted longer, but because its impact was far more widely felt. The American economy by 1929 had become so interconnected, so dependent on the health of large national corporate institutions, that a collapse in one sector of the economy now reached out to affect virtually everyone. Even in the 1890s, large groups of Americans had l ived sufficiently independent of the national economy to avoid the effects of economic crisis. By the 1930s, few such people remained. 26 Some economists argue that a severe depression could have been avoided if the Federal Reserve system had acted more responsibly. Instead of moving to increase the money supply so as to keep things from getting worse in the early 1930s, the Federal Reserve first did nothing and then did the wrong thing: Late in 1931, it raised interest rates, which contracted the money supply even further. 27 At the time, a substantial majority of Americans and nearly all foreigners who expressed opinions on the subject believed that the Wall Street stock market crash of October 1929 had triggered the depression, thereby suggesting that the United States was the birthplace of the disaster. The connection seemed too obvious to be a coincidence. Many modern writers have agreed; for example, the French historian Jacques Chastenet says in Les Annees d'Illsions: 1918-1931, â€Å"After the stock market crash on the other side of the Atlantic came an economic crisis. The crisis caused a chain reaction in the entire world. 28 Many years after it ended, former President Herbert Hoover offered an elaborate explanation of the Great depression, complete with footnote references to the work of many economists and other experts. THE DEPRESSION WAS NOT STARTED IN THE UNITED STATES,† he insisted. The â€Å"primary cause† was the war of 1914-18. In four-fifths of the â€Å"economically sensitive† nations of the world, including such remote areas as Bolivia, Bulgaria, and Australia, the downturn was noticeable long before the 1929 collapse of American stock prices. 29 Unsolved economic and social problems, accumulated over many years, made the Great Depression more of a culture crisis than can be measured in new laws or economic statistics. Americans had always been confident that the unique virtues of their society-its stronger economic base, its more alert citizenry, and its higher moral principals-would protect it from the evils and failures of Europe and would inevitable lead to new levels of civilization. In spite of the derision of a few artists and intellectuals, this â€Å"American Dream† still persisted in the 1920's. Somewhere in the dark passages of the Great Depression, as the forces of world history weakened belief in the uniqueness of the United States as a nation set apart, the dream faded and became indistinct. While America would recover economically and would rise to new heights of material achievement scarcely thought possible in the 1929, the myth of a unique destiny would never regain its old force and certainty. Henceforth Americans would share some of the realistic disillusionment of Europeans, some of the sense that survival alone was an achievement in a world not necessarily designed for the triumph of the human spirit. 30 Endnotes 1. Richard N. Current, The Great American History (CD-ROM) The Civil War to WWII, Carlsbad, CA. : Comptons New Media McGraw-Hill 1995) p. 1 2. Dixon Wecter, A History Of America The Age Of The Great Depression, (New York, NY. : The Macmillan Co. 1948) p. 1 3. Current Opcit. p. 2 4. Ibid. p. 8 5. Ibid. p. 6 6. Ibid. p. 7 7. T. H. Watkins, The Great Depression America in The 1930s, (Boston, MA. : Little Brown and Co. 1993) p. 54 8. Current Opcit. p. 16 9. Watkins Opcit. p. 55 10. Current Opcit. p. 4 11. Peter Fearon, War Prosperity & Depression The U. S. Economy 1927-45, (Lawrence, KA. : University Press 1987) p. 137 12. David A. Shannon, The Great Depression, (Englewood Cliffs, NJ. : Prentice Hall Ins. 1960) p. 13. Thomas C. Cochran, The Great Depression and World War II 1929-1945, Glenview, IL. : Scott Foresman and Co. 1968) pp. 29-30 14. Michael E. Parrish, Anxious Decades America in Prosperity and Depression 1920-1941, (New York, NY. : W. W. Norton & Co. 1992) p. 240 15. Shannon Opcit. pp. 13-15 16. The Editors of TIME-LIFE BOOKS, This Fabulous Century 1930-1940, (New York, NY. : Time-Life Books 1985) p. 23 17. Richard N. Current, The Great American History (CD-ROM) The Civil War to WWII, (Carlsbad, CA. : Comptons New Media Inc. McGraw-Hill 1995) p. 20 18. Ibid. . 21 19. Ibid. p. 22 20. Robert S. McElvaine, The Great Depression America 1929-1941, (New York, NY. : Times Books 1984) p. 122 21. Current Opcit. p. 21 22. David A. Shannon, The Great Depression, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. : Prentice Hall Inc. 1960) p. 93 23. Ibid. p. 94 24. Peter Fearon, War Prosperity and Depression The U. S. Economy 1917-45, Lawrence, KA. : University Press 1987) p. 89 25. Current Opcit. p. 9 26. Ibid. p. 3 27. Ibid. p. 17 28. John A. Garraty, The Great Depression, San Diego, CA. : Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1986) p. 4-5 29. Ibid. p. 4 30. Thomas C. Cochran, The Great Depression and World War II 1929-1945, (Glenview, Il. : Scott Foresman and Co. 1968) p. 1 Bibliography Cochran Thomas C. , The Great Depression and World War II 1929-1945, Glenview, Ill. , Scott Foresman and Co. , 1968 Current Richard N. , The Great American History (CD-ROM) The Civil War to WWII, Carlsbad California, Compton's New Media Inc. & McGraw-Hill, 1995 Editors of TIME-LIFE BOOKS, This Fabulous Century 1930-1940, New York, NY. , Time-Life Books, 1985 Fearon Peter, War, Prosperity, and Depression The U. S. Economy 1917-45, Lawrence, KA. , University Press, 1987 Garraty John A. , The Great Depression, San Diego, CA. , Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986 McElvaine Robert S. , The Great Depression America 1929-1941, New York, NY. , Times Books, 1984 Parrish Michael E. , Anxious Decades America in Prosperity and Depression 1920-1941, New York, NY. , W. W. Norton & Company, 1992 Shannon David A. , The Great Depression, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. , Prentice Hall, 1960 Watkins T. H. , The Great Depression America in The 1930's, Boston MA. , Little Brown and Co. , 1993 Wector Dixon, A History of America The Great Depression, New York, NY. , The Macmillan Co. , 1948

Saturday, September 28, 2019

On the Film Zero Dark Thirty and Torture Essay

Zero Dark Thirty is a 2013 film directed by award-winning director Kathryn Bigelow, and is a narration about the multiple time-skips of how Maya (Jessica Chastain), a new CIA recruit, beat the odds which led to Osama Bin Laden’s ultimate death. â€Å"Our plane’s been hijacked. I hope I can be able to see your face again, baby. I love you! Goodbye!† were lines from the actual 9/11 audio footage at the beginning of the film and from that, I thought that Zero Dark Thirty would be an emotionally-touching action-packed movie. Because of an exciting plot, I expected it to be a thrilling film but it turned out to be despicably monotonous. Set in the bustling streets and the danger-prone areas of the Middle East, the set design became largely influential to the film, and it added to the viewer’s experience. However, if I hadn’t known that the movie was directed by Academy-Award winner, Kathryn Bigelow, I would have thought that this was directed by an unkno wn director. The chapter-by-chapter time skip actually took the plot away from the movie — it became choppy and incomprehensible. One moment we see Ammar (Reda Kateb) being tortured, and then in the next screen, it’s suddenly two years later. The only commendable action scene in the movie being Osama Bin Laden’s ambush, the plot seemed to drag as we see more conversations and less action than what we expected to see. The movie poster also said that the writer, Mark Boal, is an Academy award-winning screenwriter but it puzzles me how he actually got the information about the happenings when CIA operations are supposed to be undisclosed. Why would the scriptwriter just name-drop sites that were supposedly top-secret, like the existence of Area 51? Thus, the credibility of the events and places seem questionable. Moreover, the flood of names of terrorists in conversations was actually confusing and the discussions about situations in ISI were unnecessary. I wanted to see scenes related to finding Abu Ahmed and ultimately, Bin Laden. I wanted action, not conversations. Though the pacing was unbelievab ly slow, the cinematography during the bombing in the restaurant Maya and Jennifer were eating at was brilliant. The transition was truly surprising — one moment Jennifer was talking to someone over the phone, and then the next, the restaurant was already in pieces and people were dying. Maya’s expression of pure shock and terror was perfectly captured the camera. The editing of the movie headed by William Goldenberg was realistic, and the bombings were so unpredictable, I was surprised and scared out of my seat. Mostly, the ambush operation in the last 30 minutes of the film was so professionally shot it could pass up as an actual footage. It’s the little moments that make this film alive. After the phone call from Maya’s supervisor, stating that tonight will be the ambush, we witness the bonds of the â€Å"canaries† – the way they goofed around and gambled, yet still looked out for each other. Viewers always have the impression that soldiers are brute men who would sacrifice anything and anyone for their purpose, but this scene actually gives the impr ession that they’re men too who treasure the bonds they have. The only comical relief during the movie was provided by Dan’s sarcasm and personality. Ironically, this attitude always comes up during the supposedly-heartbreaking torture scenes which made it particularly hard for me to sympathize with Ammar (Reda Kateb). Another highlight of his role was when Dan fed the monkeys in a CIA site. I remembered the previous scene when Ammar said that Dan was an animal, and as the monkeys stole the ice cream from Dan, I saw how it was similar to their situation. Dan takes and takes from Ammar, but eventually, Ammar gets the best of him when he doesn’t provide information. As I contemplated about the film after watching it, I think the reason why it seemed so bland and dry is because it lacked the action that viewers are used to see in fictional CIA films. The super cool CIA combat and the shooting scenes where the CIA agent never gets shot weren’t present in the movie. Instead, the movie consisted of CIA operatives who commit mistakes and ultimately get killed, like Jennifer (Jennifer Ehle); we meet heartless CIA agents like Dan (Jason Clarke) who would torture a man endlessly to get the information he needs. We see unsexy Maya, an ordinary-looking woman who wears identical suits every day, who got carried away by emotions after Jennifer’s death and during her confrontation with Joseph Bradley (Kyle Chandler), and who was almost killed once in an attempt at her life. The film was made up of one-dimensional characters who got frustrated when they can’t do anything. I wanted to know the characters more but there was zero character development. There weren’t even any scenes about Maya’s past, like why and how was she recruited out of high school? Did she ever get in touch with Jennifer’s family after her death? This lack of character personality development and the blankness of her facial expressions in most of her screen time made me wonder why Jessica Chastain is praised for her role in Zero Dark Thirty. I’ve recently watched Les Miserables and if Jessica Chastain were to be nominated in the same category as Anne Hathaway for an Oscar, then Chastain could just say that she dreamed a dream of winning an Oscar. I won’t say that she did not deserve her Golden Globe award, but I never thought she’d be nominated for it either. Her portrayal as the angry young Bin Laden-obsessed CIA agent was so stereotyp ical — she started as the nervous, awkward new CIA operative and then ultimately became the â€Å"motherfucker,† as she puts it, who found Bin Laden’s location. Maya always had this expressionless face, as if trying very hard to capture a CIA agent’s demeanor. In fact, I only began to sympathize with Maya upon the death of Jennifer. Her endless pursuit of Bin Laden became more personal from this point, proving that nothing motivates like revenge. I think that the scene where Maya shook her head and then cried actually concludes the plot well because it showed her human side and the drive that has been pushing her all along. She quotes in one scene that her friends got killed because of the hunt and she believes that she has been spared for a reason. This gives justice to her emotions in the end, where she finally breaks down as the realization that she has reached her goal after almost a decade — yet the friends she had made along the way were already gone. She is no longer the new, awkward CIA recruit, rather, Maya has become the CIA operative who resorted to all means possible to take down Osama Bin Laden. With the methods th at the movie’s characters practiced, there has been much speculation whether the film is pro-torture or not. The director and the writer of the film presented these â€Å"enhanced interrogation techniques† as a part of the pursuit. So for me, it’s not a pro-torture movie but at the same time, it’s not anti-torture either. If Zero Dark Thirty were pro-torture, then the viewers should have seen how Ammar gave information after being tortured, but he did not. Instead we see that the key piece to the puzzle for finding Bin Laden was actually served to Dan and Maya over lunch, not during torture time. And if the movie were anti-torture, then there shouldn’t have been any torture scenes in the movie — leaving Reda Kateb, who played Ammar, with zero talent fee. The film showed that Maya was convinced that the location of Bin Laden’s courier, Abu Ahmed, is crucial to the pursuit not because there was information revealed during the torture sessions, rather, it’s the detainees’ refusal to give up any information about the courier that connects the dots for Maya. Therefore, the film depicts numerous, albeit controversial, practices used in America’s pursuit for Osama Bin Laden. It shows that torturing Jihad-driven detainees or buying a man a Lamborghini as bribery weren’t the ultimate keys for solving the puzzle that led to Bin Laden. No single method can perfectly encapsulate the sum of the efforts of the people behind the manhunt for Bin Laden. The totality of their hard work and passion was what the filmmakers strived to partake, so for me, the movie isn’t raising any notions on being pro or against these methods. Zero Dark Thirty relays the fact that we tread different paths in life with a great number of sacrifices along the way. Though this movie doesn’t live up to its tagline â€Å"The Greatest Manhunt in History,† is still a perfect example of humanity’s journey towards his goals. Americans would continue to preserve their seat of power, while the Muslims would continue to do anything to reach Jihad. I wanted to be awed by this film and I wanted to feel the characters’ emotions, but the film gave me neither. The lack of emotion in Zero Dark Thirty makes me think that the budget for this should have been allocated to a film with a different perspective, like a documentary, and not as a film with actors and actresses playing roles they fail to give color to.

Friday, September 27, 2019

Term Paper on What are the causes and effects of Rapid population Essay

Term Paper on What are the causes and effects of Rapid population growth in third world countries - Essay Example According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA 1999) the world population is expected to reach a total of 9.1 billion in 2050 and all of the growth will take place in the less developed countries. This means that there will be significant increases in the populations of countries of Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, parts of Asia and Eastern Europe. Overpopulation results from a lower death rate and a higher birth rate. One of the major causes of rapid population growth is attributed to the discoveries and improvements in science and technology. With the improvement in medical technology and the discoveries of vaccines, new medicines and the extinction of many childhood diseases, many persons have a longer life span and even if they are faced with multiple diseases medicines and foods have helped in the cure and the possibility of living longer. With the implementation of public health programs many governments have been instrumental in containing infectious diseases such as malaria and tuberculosis. More people have access to a cleaner, safer supply of drinking water. The population of most developing countries increases at two percent to four percent per year (Stanton, 2003). They hold eighty percent of the world’s population. The forty nine least developed countries in the world have the fastest growth rate. These cou ntries include Afghanistan, Angola, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Mali, Yemen, Malawi. The three projected possibilities indicate a large increase when compared with the population explosion of the 1950’s. It also shows an increasing trend that may continue to grow well beyond the year 2050. Many families in developing countries, although they have access to family planning advice and methods still prefer to have large families which may be due to traditional or religious reasons or a combination of

Thursday, September 26, 2019

To what extent do you think that Islamic political thought can be Essay

To what extent do you think that Islamic political thought can be reconciled with democracy - Essay Example In the analysis, different theories of democracy in the western world are given, and also, different approaches of Muslims to democracy are analysed. Then, after analysing one of the common arguments on Islam and democracy, an argument is built to show that the basic tenets of democracy and Islamic political thought are incompatible, and therefore, Islamic political thought and democracy are not compatible. Finally, a conclusion is made based on the findings in the paper. To what extent do you think that Islamic political thought can be reconciled with democracy? Before we explore and critically evaluate both arguments for and against the idea that Islam and democracy are, indeed, incompatible, it is necessary to first define and explain Islamic political thought, and the meaning of Democracy in the western world. This will enable us to give an objective and well considered opinion on the issue. First, let us look at the Islamic political thought as elucidated and practiced by Islami c movements such as Islamic brotherhood. The Islamic brotherhood movement, also known as, Hizb al-Ikhwan al-Muslimum, is one of the oldest and largest Islamic movements in the world, known for a supporting Jihad war all over the world (Muslim Brotherhood Movement, online). Some of the main objectives of this movement are to promote the socio-political integration of all Muslims in the world, to protect Islam as a religion, and to promote the economic well-being of all the Muslims in the world. However, besides these noble objectives of the movement, the main object of the Islamic Brotherhood movement is to subjugate the entire world to the Sharia law, which is the main Islamic law. The motto of the movements clearly summarizes the main objective of the movement (Muslim Brotherhood movement, online): Allah is our objective The prophet is our leader The Quran is our law Jihad is our way Dying in the way of Allah is our highest Hope. As it is clear from this motto, for the adherents of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, Allah is the supreme leader of the Muslims and Sharia is the main law or the constitution of the Muslims. And, although, the Muslim Brotherhood movement has exhibited some elements of extremism and has been severely criticised, the movement, however, espouses many real Islam ideals on politics and governance. The term Islam itself means submission (Dahmus, 1968). Islam as a religion requires its followers to unquestionably follow the guidelines of Allah, in all aspects of their lives, as given in the Holy book of the Muslims, the Quran. For this reason, even in matters of governance and politics, Muslims are supposed to follow the dictates of their Holy Book. And according to Quran, Allah is the sovereign ruler of the Muslims, and Sharia, given by Allah, is the constitution of the Muslims. Having explained the Islamic political thought, let us now turn to the Western theories of democracy, so as to compare the two political ideologies to find out wh ether they are compatible or not. Of recent years, democracy has been associated with the western world. However, the idea of Democracy was first mooted by the Greeks. According to Aristotle, one of the ancient Greek scholars and a severe critique of democracy, democracy is a rule of the people, by the people, and for the people

Nursing research Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 51

Nursing research - Essay Example In line with this, patients were given the opportunity to participate in their provision of care, which improved communication between members of staff, and between members of staff and their patients. In order to achieve a successful implementation of this change, it was essential to ensure that the hospital used principles of planned change to improve the chances of this planned change’s success. In line with this, the hospital relied on the principles of monitoring and reinforcement of planned change in order to ensure that the planned change was successful. In support of the importance of these two principles of planned change, Keele noted, â€Å"Continued monitoring and reinforcement of the practice change is important for sustainability† (237). Through implementing a process whereby the unit nurses supervised the handing over process in their units, the hospital ensured that there was an efficient way of monitoring the planned change. On the other hand, it is important to point out that the hospital held weekly meetings whereby nurses’ behavior regarding handing-over was reinforced with nurses discussing the challenges they faced while playing their

Wednesday, September 25, 2019

Frank Parsons, the Father of Vocational Guidance Essay

Frank Parsons, the Father of Vocational Guidance - Essay Example Instead of the normal three years required to complete this degree, he did it in just one year. He passed the bar exams in the year 1881. This great effort severely damaged his health, leading to his relocation to New Mexico for renewal. Parsons got into practicing law in Boston. However, he found this not satisfying. He joined a publishing firm where he assisted in preparing textbooks of law. He formulated a philosophy that resulted to impeccable outpouring of writing works as well as other community activities. He then developed a liking for reading and making contacts with people. This had great effect on his career later. He lectured on English literature for a long time the YMCA in Boston. He later had his lectures published under the title, "The World's Best Books" in the year 1889. He became a lecturer at Boston University between the years 1892 and 1905. In his work published in the year 1894 and titled "Our Country's Need", Parsons made a formulation of his views of mutualism. He made an attempt to integrate socialism with individual liberty. He was under great influence by Herbert Spencer and Edward Bellamy from England and the United States respectively. Another notable influence on Parson was "Christian socialism." Parson's aim was to come up with ways to control essential firms like the railroad as well as the telegraph but at the same time honoring the private sector and personal initiatives. He made a good combination of conservatism and radicalism. Most of Parsons' great works confirmed him as a competent social critic. They include "Rational Money", published in the year 1899 and "Direct Legislation", published in the year 1900. Others are "Telegraphic Monopoly" and "Cities for the People" that were both published in the year 1899. Between the years 1897 and 1899, he served as a professor at Kansas Sate Agricultural College but still maintained his connections at Boston. During this period, he became extremely radical due to the Populists' Party greatly succeeding in Kansas. This administrational change led to his sacking together with his associates. This led to their founding of the Ruskins College of Social Sciences. He took up the position of a professor as well as the dean. However, the undertaking did not succeed, leading to his return to Boston. While in Boston, Parsons became seriously involved in various reform causes, traveling across the country and beyond. For instance, he persuaded the owners of Filenes Departmental Stores in Boston to add cooperative principles to their human resources policy. He also took part in the construction of the Civic Service Home. This home was to settle the immigrant groups. He assisted in organizing the Breadwinner's Institute, offering a diploma education to the less fortunate in the society. Parson's writings such as "The Trusts", "Stories of New Zealand", "Railroads", "Heart of the Railroad Problem" and "The People", together with his many articles made him a respected voice progressivism. This however played a big role towards his death on 26th September 1908. "Choosing a Vocation" was published in 1909. This was the first such writing in the career guidance. "Legal Doctrines" and "Social Progresses" followed in the year 1911. Frank Parsons is widely referred to as the "Father of Vocational Guidance." Despite being trained as an engineer, he authored many books on the social-reform movement. He also wrote on

Tuesday, September 24, 2019

I Think, Therefore I Kant Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

I Think, Therefore I Kant - Essay Example The essay "I Think, Therefore I Kant" overviews the philosophy works and the revolutionary thinking of Immanuel Kant at the turn of the 19th century and his philosophy of reason still resonates in the Western world. In his attempt to reconcile religion and science, he drew criticism from all sides. His works, often heavy and lengthy, have at times made Kant difficult to understand. Yet beneath the surface lies an eloquent approach to philosophy and morality. Whether being praised or criticized, he has been called the "finisher and conqueror of Illumination". A close examination of Kant's ethical theory reveals why it drew such controversy and why it continues to persist. Kant's individual uniqueness stems from his belief in what is called deontological ethics or the study of duty. According to Kant, an action's moral value does not stem from the consequences of the action, but rather from the motivation behind the will to act. When the action is universal and is motivated by only good will, it is a categorical imperative. In Kant's words, "Act only according to that maxim by which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law". Thus an action that is motivated by good will is universally good. Kant criticized the Utilitarian theories that evaluate the action based on the happiness it produced. According to Utilitarianism, whatever produces the most happiness in the most people is the moral course of action. This could lead to the happiness of many at the expense of a few people's misery.

Monday, September 23, 2019

Marketing plan for Milk Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Marketing plan for Milk - Essay Example A marketing plan is prepared for assisting the business in integrating the total marketing efforts. The planning process begins with an attempt by the company to size up its present market situation and the factors responsible for it. Such a plan ensures a systematic approach to developing products and services to meet and satisfy the consumer's needs. An established milk beverage manufacturer is introducing a completely new product - flavored milk beverages for the segment 6-12 years old. The marketing plan for this product will be as follows;Current marketing situation: Flavoured milk also known as value added milk is being placed by British companies for different segments of the market. are increasingly targeting the value-added milk for growth opportunities as they re-align their businesses and move away from commodity products. Current competing cost/profit ratio: In view of the stiff competition and presence of big players in the market place, the cost/profit ratio is likely to remain high with higher cost inputs and lower returns. We cannot put a higher price tag to recover all the costs involved.Opportunity and issue analysis: So far in particular the flavoured milk market has managed to compete as some sectors of the milk and cream market still suffer from a lack of innovation and marketing support. Healthy eating trends are having an impact on the market which has started favouring semi-skimmed and skimmed milk.Entry/exit barriers: White milk accounts for 96% of the market share. Well established branded products are also in the market. ... Flavoured milk is facing increased competion in the chilled segment from functional yogurt drink. Benefiting from current Milk campaign: An increased awareness amongst the consumers about the benefits of flavoured milk. Objectives: To create a niche for itself in the existing market and mainly amongst the targeted segment. Money Goals: To start with the company is ready to bear some losses for the initial period but the efforts will continue with renewed vigour for attaining the breakeven point as soon as possible. Sales goals: In the first year of operation, company can target to lure away at least 2-3% of the existing market. The company will try to gain as many new customers as possible. Profit goals: Company is not looking for profits from the word go. It plans to go ahead with a longer perspective. But at the same time it is worth pondering that business needs to payback to financers, investors, employees and other stakeholders. Market Goals: The market will be 6-12 yrs old kids. That means we'll have to target the schools, schools administrators and other faculty so that they inform the students about the arrival of a new quality flavoured milk in the market. Market Share: Since we are a new entrant, that means we'll have to be realistic in our approach. We must understand that we'll be able to create the marketing space for our product only when we take good care of the consumer needs and quality. Consumer loyalty: Let us not expect the tiny tots to be our loyal consumers overnight, as they are the one's who are very difficult to divert enblock towards a new product. Their consumption pattern will be affected with the influence of their parents and teachers. Marketing communication and promotional strategies are

Sunday, September 22, 2019

Comparaison Between Mcmxiv & Anthem for Doomed Youth Essay Example for Free

Comparaison Between Mcmxiv Anthem for Doomed Youth Essay In both of these poems Anthem For Doomed Youth and MCMXIV talking about war, Wilfred Owen and Philip Larkin try in different ways to engrave in their readers minds the atrocious actions that war provoked with different language, voice but also form. First of all, the poems are written in a different way. Anthem For Doomed Youth with his ABAB CDCD ABBACC rhyme scheme is in fact a sonnet. However, a sonnet is usually used to glorify love and romance whereas Anthem For Doomed Youth focuses on the First World War. We can assume that Wilfred Owen surely wanted to contrast these two opposite subjects to create an ironic atmosphere. We can already guess the poem is going to be powerful and memorable. On the other hand, the second poem, MCMXIV,is composed of 4 stanzas containing each 8 lines but which don’t have a rhythmic pitch. For me, it looks like Philip Larkin is narrating a tale or a story. In my opinion, the sonnet gives a rhythm to the poem and catches more the reader’s attention even if it seems shorter than Larkin’s poem. Secondly, we know both of these poems are talking about the First Wold War. But if we look a little bit closer, we can clearly feel a difference in the choice of words and language. After reading the first poem, we feel a mix of disgust, revulsion and unfairness whereas after reading Philip Larkin’s one, melancholia, emptiness and sadness invade us. How can two poems with the same subject can lead to such different feelings? The sonnet looks like it is divided in two parts, both of the ‘stanzas’ start with a question: â€Å"What passing-bells for these who die as cattle?†, â€Å"What candles may be held to speed them all?† Then, the following lines answer to the questions. For me, it seems it’s like a speech with two rhetorical questions. The poet asks the questions but already has the answers and responds to it very precisely in a very negative way: ‘no’, ‘nor’, ‘not’ are used at the beginning of a line following the question. Anthem For Doomed Youth is a small but efficient poem. Any word is present for a particular reason. The vocabulary used is snappy and harsh one such as â€Å"monstrous anger† â€Å"nor any voice of mourning† â€Å"who die as cattle†. It sounds like Wilfred Owen wants to shock us. He plunges us in the horror of the war: we can almost sound the â€Å"stuttering rifles†, see â€Å"the holy glimmers of goodbyes†. He definitely wants to express his disgust toward war. Indeed, we are not facing a ‘peaceful’ war as the whole population expected in 1914, these young boys do not bravely die for their nation: it’s a horrific battle which ravage both sides but both stubbornly do not make any move to stop this carnage. Owen makes us feel the constant fear, the incomprehension of this pointless ravage Withal, the second poem has a more smooth way of approach. Philip Larkin wants to have an affective impact. He doesn’t use striking a vocabulary like Wilfred Owen but a melancholic one. There is this feeling of confinement and reclusion; â€Å"shut shops†, â€Å"sunblinds†, â€Å"shadowing Doomsday lines†. Whereas we could almost hear the ‘stuttering rifles’ in Anthem For Dommed Youth, here, in MCMXIV, silence is the only tolerable sound. No one should make noise, in honour of all the dead soldiers who fought naively for a cause that wasn’t even directly linked to their nation. Wilfred Owen expresses the horror of the trench warfare whereas Philip Larkin enters in the impact on social consequences that War leaded to. Life will never be the same again after this tragedy. Not only will the soldiers be shell-shocked, but the whole population will be too. Even though women and children were not on the battlefront, they still experienced the war at home fronts. Owen also uses repetitions to emphasize some specific phrases. The second and third lines both start with the word ‘only’ and are followed by personifications of weapons like ‘the monstrous anger of the guns’ and ‘stuttering riffles’ rapid rattle’; it is almost like the poet cannot even distinguish the human beings and machines. The men do not kill each others anymore, the machines do. The repetition of the ‘no’, ‘nor’, ‘not’ is also a strong sign: there isn’t any hope in anything, we cannot see positive anymore. There is a constant anxiety in the soldiers’ eyes. The word ‘choirs’ is also written two times. The reference in music could be positive but here, it is not. It is a music which leads to an inevitable death. It could also refer to the heartbeat of soldiers. A worrying rhythm that could stop anytime. There is also a repetition in MCMXIV in the last stanza: â€Å"never† (thee times). But once again, we cannot feel anger; only a strong sorrow. Humans can never be innocent again after the terrible massacre of this War. Larkin accepts with resignation what happened: what is done is done. The dead people will not come back. The only thing we can do is remember them and commemorate them. On the contrary, Owen cannot tolerate this thought and he feels obliged to relate the catastrophic event harshly to prevent people to never do that again. The human loss is literally and psychologically intolerable. Finally, we can discuss about the poet’s choice of title of their poems. An anthem is a choral composition having a sacred or moralizing text. So, this poem is aimed to all the heroes who died fighting. Nevertheless, the adjective ‘doomed’ comes to spoil the word anthem. Doomed is just ‘fate’, something inevitable. It is true we cannot win over death but at least, we can delay it as much as we can, whereas the following word ‘youth’ has a tragic connotation. Young people are not supposed to die, their fate is to enjoy life as much as they can but this war comes to destroy all their dreams and hopes. MCMXIV is the number 1914 in ancient roman. We can assume it is a reference to the past, Roman letters still exist after hundreds of years, maybe Larkin wants his poem to be remembered as much as these numbers? To conclude, we can say that even if Wilfred Owen and Philip Larkin did have different ways of approach to talk about war, they both caused very strong feelings. One used an aggressive and impulsive pen whereas the other provoked sadness and respect toward the fallen soldiers. In fact, they definitely agree in one similar point: First World War was a tragedy that no one should ever forget.

Saturday, September 21, 2019

Censorship And Right To Free Speech And Expression Philosophy Essay

Censorship And Right To Free Speech And Expression Philosophy Essay Right of free speech, one of the fundamental building blocks of a liberal democracy, has often been at odds with the hindrance posed by censorship to the unabated exercise of such right. While the use of censorship as a weapon to stifle counter opinions has indeed been granted socio-political legitimacy in regimes authoritarian as well as liberal, nonetheless, the intrinsic importance of the role played by censorship as a shield rather than a sword can hardly be neglected. In course of this paper, the author intends to emphasize that the very divergent nature of social mores in different jurisdictions and across different regimes worldwide strengthens the necessity for existence of censorship, albeit in varying degrees to suit the differing requirements of the aforesaid regimes. Any attempt to evolve a universalistic practice has scarce little options other than to turn into more of a farcical legitimization of Super Power Hegemonies, owing to the blatant disregard of the said inhere nt diversities that such universalism is likely to enforce. I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it. Evelyn Beatrice Hall  [1]   Goebbels was in favor of free speech for views he liked. So was Stalin. If youre in favor of free speech, then youre in favor of freedom of speech precisely for views you despise. Otherwise, youre not in favor of free speech. Noam Chomsky  [2]   When compared with the suppression of anarchy every other question sinks into insignificance. The anarchist is the enemy of humanity, the enemy of all mankind, and his is a deeper degree of criminality than any other. No immigrant is allowed to come to our shores if he is an anarchist; and no paper published here or abroad should be permitted circulation in this country if it propagates anarchist opinions. Theodore Roosevelt  [3]   Free Speech and Censorship A Brief Introduction Free Speech is one of the constitutional guarantees of a liberal democracy a right recognized by all International Human Rights Documents. It is an amalgamation of the Right to Freedom of Conscience, Thought, Choice and the ultimate expression, without being subjected to arbitrary blocks on its enjoyment, in the form of Censorship. Censorship, on the other hand, is the process of imposing checks, direct or indirect, governmental or otherwise, on the exercise of ones Right to Free Speech. Apparently, this phenomenon can be perceived as a blunt curb on ones basic Right to Liberty, but on another plane, it can be looked at in the form of a necessary evil a limitation on ones Human Rights in order to uphold the Communitys Human Rights. The broad social purposes of censorship can be laid down as to ensure that ordinary members of the community are not affronted by the display of material to which a majority of reasonable adults would object, to maintain a level of public decency, and to avoid the undesirable social effects which may flow from the normalisation, by its use in entertainment or other dissemination, of undesirable material.  [4]   This paper aims to look at the interconnected nature of the two, keeping in mind the inherent diversities in different socio-political systems, and varied constructions of the two phenomena ultimately leading to the unmistakable impressions about the questions of Democracy, Politics and Power. In course of this article, the author has accepted as a foundational hypothesis the fact that throughout history and across jurisdictions, it has been noted that Censorship has been more often than not used to suppress counter-opinions be it political or religious; this practice has been conferred political and legal legitimacy in jurisdictions alike, be it the most Authoritarian or the most Democratic of regimes. Suffice to say that more often than not, Censorship has been used as a sword rather than as a shield. However, this does not take away the intrinsic value of the check. Indeed, the need for Censorship is evident from the divergent nature of the social mores, albeit differently in different jurisdictions trying to evolve a universalistic practice would thus disregard these inherent diversities, and would be more of a farcical legitimization of super power hegemonies. Categories of Censorship Paul O Higgins distinguishes Censorship into the following types  [5]  : Autonomous Self-censorship brought about by conscious or unconscious motives, which makes an individual wither to refrain from expressing his or her views or alter the same. Social Discouragement of the expression of certain ideas, either through socialization or sanctions, which lead to the emergence of taboos. Legal Enforcement of restraint by legal institutions such as the government, police and the courts prior censorship or penal censorship. Extra-legal Telephone Tapping, d-notices, limited release of information about defendant at trial. Voluntary When an institution with shared common beliefs lays down upon constituents limitations on what they should or should not say or do, without sanctions Press Council norms, etc. Subterranean When an individual or institution uses powers set aside for another purpose to impose censorship without direct government involvement political censorship. Free Speech and Censorship An International Human Rights Recognition Free Speech is an internationally guaranteed Civil and Political Right. However, this Right is subject to Reasonable Restrictions in the form of Censorship in most Human Rights Treaties and Systems. The main reason that can be attributed to such restraint is the requirement of public policy the apprehensions about the abhorrent effects that an unbridled exercise of this Right may produce. Given below is a list of the provisions from different Human Rights Treaties both International and Regional, which deal with the Human Right to Free Speech, and the operation of Censorship upon it. Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Article 19, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1) Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference. (2) Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice. (3) The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals. General Comment No. 10 (29/06/83): Paragraph 1 requires protection of the right to hold opinions without interference. This is a right to which the Covenant permits no exception or restriction. Paragraph 2 requires protection of the right to freedom of expression, which includes not only freedom to impart information and ideas of all kinds, but also freedom to seek and receive them regardless of frontiers and in whatever medium, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice. Paragraph 3 expressly stresses that the exercise of the right to freedom of expression carries with it special duties and responsibilities and for this reason certain restrictions on the right are permitted which may relate either to the interests of other persons or to those of the community as a whole. Article 10, European Convention on Human Rights (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. This article shall not prevent States from requiring the licensing of broadcasting, television or cinema enterprises. (2) The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary. Article 13, Inter-American Convention on Human Rights (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression. This right includes freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing, in print, in the form of art, or through any other medium of ones choice. (2)  The exercise of the right provided for in the foregoing paragraph shall not be subject to prior censorship but shall be subject to subsequent imposition of liability, which shall be expressly established by law to the extent necessary to ensure: (a)  respect for the rights or reputations of others; or (b) the protection of national security, public order, or public health or morals. (3) The right of expression may not be restricted by indirect methods or means, such as the abuse of government or private controls over newsprint, radio broadcasting frequencies, or equipment used in the dissemination of information, or by any other means tending to impede the communication and circulation of ideas and opinions. (4) Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 2 above, public entertainments may be subject by law to prior censorship for the sole purpose of regulating access to them for the moral protection of childhood and adolescence. (5) Any propaganda for war and any advocacy of national, racial, or religious hatred that constitute incitements to lawless violence or to any other similar action against any person or group of persons on any grounds including those of race, color, religion, language, or national origin shall be considered as offenses punishable by law. Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression Freedom of expression in all its forms and manifestations is a fundamental and inalienable right of all individuals. Additionally, it is an indispensable requirement for the very existence of a democratic societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Every person has the right to seek, receive and impart information and opinions freely under terms set forth in Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights. All people should be afforded equal opportunities to receive, seek and impart information by any means of communication without any discrimination for reasons of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, national or social origin, economic status, birth or any other social conditionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Prior censorship, direct or indirect interference in or pressure exerted upon any expression, opinion or information transmitted through any means of oral, written, artistic, visual or electronic communication must be prohibited by law. Restrictions to the free circulation of ideas and opinions, as well as the arbitrary imposition of information and the imposition of obstacles to the free flow of information violate the right to freedom of expressionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Prior conditioning of expressions, such as truthfulness, timeliness or impartiality, is incompatible with the right to freedom of expression recognized in international instruments. These inherent variations in the level and nature of governmental control over Freedom of Expression also accounted for in the National Constitutions, Statutes and Judicial Decisions collectively constitute the subject-matter of an interesting study, especially in light of the fact that they are also indicative of the extent of democratization and totalitarianism inherent in these countries. Thus, the First Amendment to the US Constitution  [6]  and the Glavlit System of Pre-Censorship existent in former USSR and many East European Countries  [7]  , throw light on two different ends of the spectrum. Somewhere in the middle lies the Brit-ECHR system of giving a bag full of Rights, and then putting sufficient, and very often, more than sufficient, restrictions on their enjoyment. These variations are the results of the systems of governance and the Historical Evolution of Free Speech in these national jurisdictions inasmuch as they account for an enormous blow upon those who tend to argue about the Universalistic Nature of International Human Rights. Censorship and Free Speech A Nexus with Questions of Power, Authority, Liberty and Democracy: A Comparative Critique of World Systems and Disputes of Theories John Locke, one of the Founding Fathers of the Liberal View, advocated a Minimalist State intervention regime in his Life, Liberty and Property, which, according to him, were inalienable rights.  [8]  John Stuart Mills Theory of Marketplace of Ideas stated that if we suppress an opinion, it may turn out to be true. To assume otherwise is to assume that we are infallible, which is not the case  [9]  . According to O.W. Holmes, the best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried outà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ in Abrams v. U.S.  [10]  where, in his dissenting judgement, he also laid down that a governmental regulation on Free Speech is only justified where it is used to dispel a clear and immiment danger. Otherwise, the market should be left to determine the veracity of the assertion. This opinion of Holmes was later accepted by the US Supreme Court whe n it overturned Abrams  [11]  and upheld Holmes Clear and Imminent Danger Theory in Brandanburg v. Ohio  [12]  during the Vietnam War. According to Prof. Rodney O. Smolla  [13]  , Free Speech Serves Five Purposes in a Democracy: (a) As a means of participation, (a) Serving the purpose of Truth, (c) Facilitating majority rule, (d) Providing Restraint on Tyranny and Corruption by keeping the Government in Check, and (e) ensuring stability by allowing minority voices to be heard.  [14]   However, the Marketplace of Ideas rationale for Freedom of Speech has been criticized by scholars on the grounds that it is wrong to assume the assertion that all ideas will enter the marketplace of ideas, and even if they do, some ideas may drown out others merely because they enjoy dissemination through superior resources. The marketplace is also criticized for its assumption that truth will necessarily triumph over falsehood. It is visible throughout history that people may be swayed by emotion rather than reason, and even if truth ultimately prevails, enormous harm can occur in the interim. Alan Haworth, in his book Free Speech (1998)  [15]  , has suggested that the metaphor of a marketplace of ideas is misleading. He opines that Mills classic defence of free speech does not develop the idea of a market (as later suggested by Holmes) but essentially argues for the freedom to develop and discuss ideas in the search for truth or understanding. In developing this argument, Hawor th says, Mill pictured society not as a marketplace of ideas, but as something more like a large-scale academic seminar. This implies the need for tacit standards of conduct and interaction, including some degree of mutual respect. That may well limit the kinds of speech that are justifiably protected. Political Extremism and Censorship This is an issue that is very essential and relevant in the contemporary world the question whether one should allow a platform for Fundamentalist and Extremist Organizations like the Al Qaida to propagate freely their views through their Private Television the Al Jazeera TV, or ought there be governmental curbs on such broadcasting. An interesting debate on this subject had been voiced in the May, 1994 issue of The Guardian  [16]  , where two noted columnists argued on a similar issue related to providing a platform to the extremist British Nationalist Party. According to Seamus Milne  [17]  , who advocated a curb on the BNPs Right to Free Speech, the BNP necessarily violates the Human Rights of a large section of the population, and, by doing so, it has justified the abridgement of their Right to Freedom of Speech. The oxygen of publicity, if given to them, would help the spread of racism. On the other hand, Polly Toynbee  [18]  argued that the banning of a particular group may set a precedent by which any group that does not conform to a norm is rendered prone to a similar ban. According to him, Free Speech is not absolute but we must be free to speak our political minds, and listen to political opinions of others, however nasty.  [19]  This statement of his has an uncanny resemblance to the Marketplace of Ideas Theory, thereby highlighting its relevance in the contemporary world. Use of Offensive Language on College Campuses The issue was the imposition of a Speech Code banning the use of offensive language at Stanford University. According to Gerald Gunther  [20]  , Speech should not and cannot be banned simply because it is offensive to substantial parts of, or a majority of, a community. The refusal to suppress offensive speech is one of the most difficult obligations the free speech principle imposes upon all of us; yet it is also one of the First Amendments greatest glories indeed, it is a central test of a communitys commitment to free speech. However, Charles Lawrence  [21]  opined that restrictions reflected genuine demands from students from minority ethnic groups, who had through harassment been denied the Right to Equality of Education. Being a supporter of the Hobbesian Principle of a Right for a Citizen to expect from the State Security of Person, Lawrence was thus advocating the same guarantee from a Welfare State, be it at the cost of restricting the offensive operation of some others unrestricted Right. Pornography, Sexuality and Obscenity an analysis of the Changing Voices This is an area where views and opinions have a range encompassing a whole spectrum. For some, pornography is a threat to a moral order, whereas for others, it is a mark of emancipation from bondages. The Libertarians seek to uphold individual freedoms and oppose state interference. According to then, States authority to make laws is only pertaining to the Public Sphere and not on the individual choices and preferences in the Private Sphere (The First Amendment Assertion has been illustrated by Justice Thurgood Marshall in Stanley v. Georgia  [22]  where he says that if First Amendment means anything at all, it means that a state has no business telling a man, sitting alone in his own house, what books he must read or what films he must watch. This liberal fundament was also supported by the Wolfendon Committee Report in the UK. (H.L.A. Hart had also been a known supporter of a similar view and had argued for a separation of the private and the public spheres  [23]  ). Sexual repression is itself more damaging than sexual openness, according to the Libertarian view. However, according to Conservatives, Pornography is a threat to moral order and stability, and the material itself is disgusting and unworthy of publicity. Moreover, the Conservatives believe that State is empowered to pass laws controlling both Public and Private activities, as has been evident from Devlins dissent to the findings of the Wolfendon Committee  [24]  . If one looks at the Feminist Movements, and the jurisprudence emerging there from, history shows changes and evolutions at every stage. Traditionally, feminists have supported the liberal cause, celebrating the need to discover the body and sexuality as a tool of emancipation from bondages. In the 1970s, Realist feminists stressed that pornography was not only damaging to womens status in society, but also dangerous to their safety. Thus, pornography not only provides the foundations for, but also is, violence against women.  [25]  Hence, according to the Liberal Feminists, pornography is not essentially a question of mere censorship, but a question of the womens Human Rights as a whole.  [26]  However, the 1990s have seen a shift in the trend. Avedon Carol  [27]  has claimed that women are suppressed not because of pornography but because of censorship. Wendy McElroy  [28]  has warned that anti-pornography legislations might result in a backlash against Feminism. Jea n Seaton  [29]  has suggested that the Realist feminists run the risk of losing touch with the roots of feminism, in the Civil Liberties and emancipatory movements. Melissa Benn  [30]  argues that the problem is one of structural sexism, and censoring pornography would not solve the problem. Instead, anti-sexist laws need to be established. The underlining philosophy behind the divergent philosophies is the fact that while one looks at the issue of censorship, one can look at it from two distinct planes the Moralist plane, identifying the evils contained in what needs or needs not to be censored; and a Causalist plane  [31]  , which would need to look at the effects of the commission or omission of Censorship. The decades of the Feminist Movement indicated drastic shifts in views, from the Moralist Plane to the Causalist Plane, and vice versa thereby leading to the wide divergence in opinions. The Use or Non-Use of Censorship in Different Regimes This section is a skeletal overview of the existing politico-judicial approaches towards Free Speech and Censorship on select issues in the US, UK, former USSR and India, which would adequately throw light on the kind of governance and degrees of guarantee of Human Rights in the individual regimes. Interesting to note, the instances referred to would be more of acts of a Subterranean Censorship imposition of Censorship through means not directly aimed at doing so. Issue USA UK Former USSR India Speech that may lead to Rioting, i.e. localized violence Edwards v. South Carolina  [32]  : Clear and Present Danger Test. New York Times v. US  [33]  : Prior Restraints on Speech and Press are constitutionally very suspect. Wise v. Dunning  [34]  : Anyone who utters something that is likely to lead to violence can be punished. Street Corner Orator? Anti State Speeches? Unheard of. Reports about Soviet Police disallowing observance of Human Rights Dayà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦tells a taleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ A/19 (2): Public Order a ground for imposing restrictions. S/144, CrPC a tool for imposing preemptive indirect censorship. Counter Doctrines and Subversive Groups Anti-Communist Activities in the 40s supported by legislations like the Smith Act and Supreme Court Decisions like Dennis v. US  [35]  where the evil produced by such Speech was Grave and not Improbable. However, situations changed post-Brandanberg. Concept of seditious libel R v. Aldred  [36]  . Any incitement to use force against State was seditious libel. Soviet Criminal Code punished Agitation or propaganda carried out with the purpose of subverting or weakening the Soviet Regimeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ essentially, anti-Communist Campaigns. Preventive Detention Act, s/124A of the IPC and, on a broader political plane, imposition of A/356 on grounds of Breakdown of Constitutional Machinery. Criticism of the Government and Public Officials New York Times v. Sullivan  [37]  : No punishment if actual malice cannot be proved. Initially, strong Contempt of Court Jurisdiction, even in case of Fair Criticisms of Judicial procedures and decisions R v. Editor of New Statesman  [38]  . However, standards of stringency notably lower now. No difference between criticism and subversion hence, repression was the result. Sullivan standards not followed. Contempt and Privilege very strong tools in the hands of the State. Moreover, imposition of MISA and Repressive Press Laws during Emergency. Sexually Oriented Materials Miller Test  [39]   liberal standards. Hicklin Test  [40]   Rigidity. Strict pre-Censorship of Pornographic Material by the Glavlit. Largely influenced by Hicklin gradual liberalization post Bandit Queen. The obvious conclusion that emerges out of an analysis of this Table is that the US is the Country which, through the Constitutional Assertion of the First Amendment and a liberal, yet vigilant judiciary, and a Democratic Governance system, been the highest protectors of the Free Speech Rights. Admitted that the events of 9/11 have forced the US to make more stringent laws often aiming to curb Personal Liberties, but still, it has been a guiding light in the direction ahead, at least it seems so. But, how true is this assertion? Is it, like much other propaganda, only an ideological and hegemonic whitewash of the only surviving superpower? The list of incidents below, which deals with Governmental acts of subversion of the voice of conscience in the US and other Western Countries is self-explanatory  [41]  : Voice of America, a federally supported international broadcasting organization, decided not to air a story that included parts of a rare interview with the leader of Afghanistans ruling Taliban, Mullah Mohammed Omar. Those who deny that the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip by Israel, its use of extrajudicial executions against Palestinian gunmen, the Israeli gunning down of schoolboy stone-throwers, the wholesale theft of Arab land to build homes for Jews, is in some way wrong would like all criticism of Israel to be labeled as anti-Semitic thus branding the critics statements as heinous and unworthy of consideration. Military autopsy reports provide indisputable proof that detainees are being tortured to death while in US military custody. Yet the US corporate media are covering it up. Dr. Elsebeth Baumgartner currently faces up to 109 years in prison in the U.S. state of Ohio for her criticism of, and accusations of corruption against, government officials in Ohio. In Canada, school teachers have limited freedom of speech, both on and off the job, regarding certain issues (e.g., homosexuality). Chris Kempling was suspended without pay for writing letters, on his own time, to a local newspaper to object to LGBT-related material being introduced into public schools. Kempling pursued the freedom of speech issue all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada without success. By the Official Secrets Act, the London government has the power, throughout the UK, to order that certain subjects are abs